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The
recently held high-level conference on internal security gave a call to crush
the rising power of the Naxal's in several states. Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh's proposal to increase the police force of the Naxal-affected states which
with a favorable response from all the chief ministers attending the conference,
be they from the Congress, the BJP or the CPM. While the state continues to
adopt a law and order approach to the Naxal problem, a visit to the "affected"
areas in Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra makes it
amply clear that the sinews of the state are hardly capable of quelling any
armed assault upon it. Ironically, while the khaki-wearing police, forest and
excise departments are the only 'government' the common people encounter, they
are not only hated by them but have also been on the receiving end over the past
few months. The Naxals are today employed with better weaponry and technology
and are no longer disadvantaged as before.
The
rapid spread of the Naxal problem in India can be substantially attributed to
the total neglect of India's vast tribal population. A sense of desperation and
alienation has swept across the Adivasis who have been systematically
marginalized and dispossessed in their homelands. The late Prof. Nihar Ranjan
Ray, a distinguished historian, described the central Indian Adivasis as "the
original autochthonous people of India," meaning that their presence in India
pre-dated by far the Dravidians, the Aryans and whoever else settled in this
country. The anthropologist, Verrier Elwin, states this more emphatically,
"These are the real swadeshi products of India, in whose presence all others are
foreign. These are the ancient people with moral rights and claims thousands of
years old. They were here first and should come first in our regard."
Unfortunately,
like indigenous peoples all over the world, India's Adivasis too have been
savaged and ravaged since Independence. For one, the state presence in the
tribal areas is glaringly low, and whatever little interaction the people at the
bottom have with the state is usually an unhappy one. In the vast Central Indian
highlands, the occasional visit of an official invariably means extraction by
coercion of what little the poor people have. It does not just end with a
chicken or a goat or a bottle of mahua, it often includes all these and the
modesties of the womenfolk. In the Bastar area of Chhattisgarh, the hotbed of
the Naxal movement, the only sign of the state while driving from Narayangarh to
Chota Dongar deep in the jungles, are the pockmarked buildings that once housed
government offices. Instead of police patrols, it is the Naxal patrol that is
found conducting security checks on travelers. The local police force is often
found harassing people under the effect of alcohol.
Moreover,
Adivasi homelands that boast of rich natural resources have been exploited by
the state for its own benefits without any contribution towards social welfare
and rural development schemes. At last count, the total wage bill of India's
government was a monstrous Rs.193,000 crores or about 5.6 per cent of the GNP.
The state of Orissa provides an embarrassing instance of this where a sum of
Rs.2,000 crores allocated for the development of its eight tribal majority
districts including Kalahandi, Bolangir and Koraput during the past three years
has just vanished! Most tribal villages and settlements have no access to
schools and medical care. Very few are connected with all-weather roads, and
most continue to exist without electricity even though all the coal and most of
the hydel projects to generate electricity are in the tribal regions. The
forests have been pillaged and virgin forests thick with giant teak and sal
trees are things of the past. As a result, 45.86 per cent of all Adivasis
continue to live below the poverty line.
In
such conditions, the Prime Minister's proposal to increase the police force
stands to serve no purpose. Quite clearly the solutions lie elsewhere. There are
several paradoxes that must be dealt with, the foremost being to provide good
government in the worst of law and order environments. A better civil
administration structure must be put in place whereby, instead of the state
capital-controlled government, the instruments of government dealing with
education, health, irrigation, roads and land records must be handed over to
local government structures. The police must also be made answerable to local
elected officials and not be a law unto themselves. The local community must
also get all the royalties for the minerals extracted from their areas.
When
Manmohan Singh first became Prime Minister, he promised that the reform of
government was his number one priority. He promised us a government by the
people and for the people. Instead of devoting himself to this he seems to have
frittered his time schmoozing with the fat cats of the CII and World Economic
Forum and running a government for them alone. |